ଈଶ୍ବରବିଶ୍ବାସ କ୍ଷତି କରେନି , କ୍ଷତି କରେ ଈଶ୍ଵରବିଶ୍ଵାସବାଦ / Faith in God may not harm, harms its enforcement

ସୁଭାଷ ଚନ୍ଦ୍ର ପଟ୍ଟନାୟକ 


ନାସ୍ତିକ ନ ହେବା, ଈଶ୍ବରବିଶ୍ବାସୀ ହେବା ପରିସ୍ଥିତି ଚାପରେ ନିଜକୁ ଅସୁରକ୍ଷିତ ଅନୁଭବ କରୁଥିବା ସରଳବିଶ୍ବାସୀ ସାଧାରଣ ମଣିଷମାନଙ୍କ ଜୀବନାଭ୍ୟାସରେ ପ୍ରାୟତଃ ଦେଖିବାକୁ ମିଳେ ।
କୌଣସି ବିଷୟରେ ବିଦ୍ବାନ ଓ ବୈଜ୍ଞାନିକ ହେବାକୁ ହେଲେ ସମ୍ପୃକ୍ତ କ୍ଷେତ୍ରରେ ମଣିଷ ସମାଜର ପୂର୍ବାର୍ଜିତ ଜ୍ଞାନର ଉପଯୋଗ କରି ତାକୁ ନିଜସ୍ବ ଅନୁଭୂତି ଓ ବୁଦ୍ଧି ଦେଇ ସମକାଳୀନ ସମାଜ ପାଇଁ ପ୍ରୟୋଗ କରିବାର ସ୍ବାଗତଯୋଗ୍ୟ ସାମର୍ଥ୍ୟ ହାସଲ କରିବାକୁ ହୁଏ । ଏହି ସାମର୍ଥ୍ୟ ସମର୍ଥବ୍ୟକ୍ତିଙ୍କ ମନରେ ଯେଉଁ ଆତ୍ମସନ୍ତୋଷ ଭରେ ତାହା ନିଜ ଶକ୍ତିର ବହିର୍ଭୂତ ଭାବି କେହି କେହି ବିଦ୍ବାନ ତହିଁରେ ଅସମ୍ଭବକୁ ସମ୍ଭବ କରିପାରିଥିବା କୁହୁକର କିମିଆ ଦେଖନ୍ତି । ଏହି କୁହୁକର ସମାର୍ଥବାଚକ ହେଲେ ଈଶ୍ୱର ।

ତେଣୁ ଈଶ୍ୱରବିଶ୍ବାସ ଅସମ୍ଭବକୁ ସମ୍ଭବ କରିପାରିଥିବା ଆନନ୍ଦର ଏକ ଉପନାମ ।ଏହାର ସଜ୍ଞା ଓ ସୀମା ସମ୍ପୃକ୍ତ ବ୍ୟକ୍ତିଙ୍କ ସମ୍ପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ବ୍ୟକ୍ତିଗତ ।

ଈଶ୍ବରାନୁଭୂତି ଉପରେ କେଶବ ସେନଙ୍କୁ ଏକ ପ୍ରଶ୍ନର ଉତ୍ତର ଦେଇ ଠାକୁର ରାମକୃଷ୍ଣ ପରମହଂସ କହିଥିଲେ ଯେ ରତିସୁଖ ପରି ଏହା ଅନିର୍ବଚନୀୟ ।

ଅନିର୍ବଚନୀୟ ଈଶ୍ବରବିଶ୍ବାସ ରତି ଅନୁଭୂତି ପରି ସମ୍ପୂର୍ଣ୍ଣ ବ୍ୟକ୍ତିଗତ ଓ ଜନସମାଜର ସାମୁହିକ ଅବଗତିର ଅଧିକାର ବହିର୍ଭୁତ । ତାହା ଜ୍ଞାନବିଜ୍ଞାନ ମଣ୍ଡଳରେ ମଣିଷର ବ୍ୟକ୍ତିଗତ ଉପଲବ୍ଧିର ଆନନ୍ଦ ସହ ସଂଯୁକ୍ତ ହୋଇ ମଣିଷର ମନରେ, ତା’ର ଆଚରଣରେ, ତା’ର ନିଜସ୍ଵ ପରିସରରେ ରହୁ । ତହିଁରେ କିଛି ଗୋଳମାଳ ନାହିଁ ।

ଗୋଳମାଳ ଅଛି ଈଶ୍ବରବିଶ୍ବାସବାଦରେ, ନିଜେ ମାନୁଥିବା ଈଶ୍ଵରଙ୍କୁ ଅନ୍ୟ ଉପରେ ଲଦିବାରେ ।  

Amend the Language Act, Bhasha Andolan Founder writes to CM

theNEWSsyndicate

Founder of Bhasha Andolan Subhas Chandra Pattanayak has urged upon the Chief Minister to repeal the “illegal and villainous” Sections 4 and 4-A from the Orissa Official Language Act, 1954 and give law-form to the draft-legislation he had given as Member of the Ministerial Committee on working of the Act, by way of a Bill in the coming session of the Legislative Assembly, so that, all the hurdles in the implementation of the Act could be removed.

He has attached to his mail the copy of the Memorandum of the Office Bearers of the Movement, delivered in the Office of the Chief Minister on 02.03.2020, which he has slept over since then, though illegal administration in English has been the basic reason of huge loss of life under COVID-19 pandemic, he has shown.

Here is his mail to the CM. The enclosed Memorandum is put below in pdf for reference.

To
The Hon’ble Chief Minister, Orissa,
Bhubaneswar.

Sub: Reminder on our demand for repeal of Section 4 and 4A from the Orissa Official Language Act. 1954
Ref: Our Memorandum No.01 of 2020 dated 29.02.2020 delivered to your office 02.03.2020, read with my mails dated Fri, Jun 29, 2018 and 25.8.2018
Sir,
In enclosing herewith the copy of the Memorandum under reference for your ready reference, I place my observation that as you have not replied to my above noted two mails, you have also not responded to the Memo, the reasons of which are best known to yourself.
But the undeniable fact is that, your wrongful amendment of the Act, as noted in the three documents referred to above, have defeated the purpose of the Act so brutally that, our people have died and are dying without knowing the Acts and Rules, Directions and Regulations concerning Corona virus, as all these and all the health care guidelines are never made available to them in their mother tongue Oriya.
Your declarations repeated on different days that the Offices shall run in Oriya “from now on” have remained inconsequential, because of the two illegal and villainous sections, i.e. Section 4 and Section 4A deliberately created and inserted into the Act to defeat the very purpose of the Act.
I, therefore, Hon’ble Sir, request you with profound respect to please peruse once again the Momo attached hereto and to take immediate steps to delete those two sections and to kindly amend the Act afresh to make the Original Act inviolable in the light of the legislation I had proposed as a member of the Ministerial Committee, so that Orissa shall be governed in Oriya language, the purpose of which the State of Orissa was created.
This being a computer generated appeal, aimed to be emailed to you, the Memo referred to above along with postal certificate of delivery is enclosed in pdf.
Kind Regards,
Yours,
Subhas Chandra Pattanayak,
Founder and Chairman,
Bhasha Andolan, Orissa
21.09.2020

Bhasha Andolan to CM

Nabakalebara: Legends and Reality (Book Review)

Buy "Nabakalebara: Legends and Reality"

By Saswat Pattanayak

In this era of two-minute research noodles made viral through smart memes and quick tweety wits, Subhas Chandra Pattanayak’s “Nabakalebara: Legends and Reality (Shabdasparsha, 2015) is not one that everyone would probably want to read. I will not therefore pitch it as a bestseller on any list since most indulgences these days target individuals, not ideas; offer quick fixes to assuage hurt egos, not undergo painful process of seeking new knowledge. So much so that words like enlightenment and intellectualism are downrightly condemned, matter-of-factly in our times. But suffice it to say that any serious reader of anti-caste history and of Indian atheism will find this book invaluable, if not the most valuable reference – not just as a scholarly research material to take a radical departure from credentialed academic works, but more importantly as a weapon of social justice against the remnants of regressive tendencies in our present world.

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Throughout the pages, this book makes no pretensions and it spares none from critical reappraisals. It takes on the mighty and the powerful hegemonic interpretations of Buddhism – from Sankaracharyas to Dalai Lamas, from Upanishads to Asokan inscriptions. Most importantly, the book destroys the myths concocted by Brahminism to hijack Jagannatha from the indigenous cultural mores to confine subsequently within a Hindu temple walls.

Using vast primary research materials and original interpretations with unprecedented scholarship in modern Indian history, this is a book that ably argues against most conventional givens in our historical readings into origin and scope of Buddhism. The author makes the claim that “Emperor Asoka’s attack on Kalinga was meant to obliterate Buddha as the God of the Oriya tribes and to desecrate his sacred birthplace near Dhauli Giri so that the fountainhead of Buddhism would dry out.” Asoka, he writes, had attacked Orissa in order to promulgate autocratic rule in obliteration of tribal democracies and to establish the hegemony of Brahmins, as contemplated by Chanakya, over the society for which it was necessary to eliminate Buddha’s birthplace.

Pattanayak says Buddha’s Sangha was based on Chanda – the first system of voting in the world, which in turn is used variously in Orissa – Chandaa (donation), Chandaka (Buddha’s horse), Chandaka (forest area during Buddha’s era in Toshala region). Bundles of Kau’nria Kathi used for “fire salute” by the Oriyas are likewise symbolic of the strength of unity which their ancestors had shown against Aryan aggressors in the Kalinga war.

The author details how Budhha was against caste system, how Tantra has no caste consideration and how Mother Kali targets adherers to Brahminism. Therefore, Sankaracharya’s sole aim was to promulgate Brahmanya Dharma against Jagannatha (who is worshipped as Kali and as Buddha in Orissa).

The reason why there is no “Badabadua” (who is Buddha, according to the author) in Brahmin families is precisely because it is unique to the Buddhist matriarchal heritage. The significance of it amplifies with his research asserting that Buddha was born in Kapilavastu of Orissa (Kapilavastu literally meaning reddish soil). Badabadua likewise is made of reddish soil and if reddish soil is not available in their own area, non-brahmin Oriya families have imported it from wherever it was available. “It is significant that Badabadua – the most important deity of the Household – is not to be found in Thakura Ghara (a room dedicated to deities accepted and worshiped by Brahmins). It is established in the secret Aisanya Kona of the Handishala and worshiped secretly by the GruhaKarttri (reigning lady of the family). The first handful of cooked rice is offered to Badabadua by the house lady in the Handishala itself,” Pattanayak writes. Badabadua is Buddha and Buddha is SriJagannatha, who is also first offered cooked rice by the woman of the household, as cooked rice is offered to Jagannatha in SriMandira.

Buddha’s sword “Prabalayudhha” is still being worshipped in Narasinghpur of Orissa as “Prabala Devi”, the eldest member of the royal family is named “Bada Raula”, thus named by Rahula, the son of Buddha. At the worship occasion however, no Brahmin is allowed. “Leave apart worship, even the appearance of the shadow of a Brahmin is also prohibited in this place. This strict prohibition of Brahmins to the Gupta Puja of the Sword of Buddha is indicative only of the fact that, knowing the Brahmins’ conspiracy against Buddhism, Oriya tribes were keeping them away from intimate worship of Buddha.”

Similarly, an egalitarian festival that is prominently celebrated across Orissa except among the Brahmin families is “Khudurukuni Osha” – when Oriya girls erect mini Buddha Stupas on the river banks with sand and soil and worship the Sun – which is synonymous with Mangalaa/Buddha – the idea of Jagannatha’s fertility chapter beginning from Mangalaa therefore. The protagonist of Khudurukuni is Ta’poi whose narrative depicts how the Brahmins were harassing the Buddhist Sadhava families in Orissa. Ta’poi was the only sister of the seven seafaring Sadhavas – eventually saved by Mangalaa, the deity of Orissa’a non-Brahmins, under whose orders, search for the tree that would be used for Nabalakebara of Jagannatha, begins.

Likewise “Budha Mangalabara Osha” observed across Orissa in non-Brahmin households equates Buddha with Mangalaa – and the author describes why the women in Orissa also worship Mangalaa on Budhabaar – as Buddha is equated with Budhabaar among the Sabara tribes in Orissa. The story behind this occasion revolves around a Sabara woman’s friendship with the wife of a Sadhava, which gets resolved through Sadhavas worshipping SarvaMangalaa for 13 Buddhabaras (Wednesdays).

The author goes on to describe the cults of Patitapavana (Sudarshana being Dharma Chakra of Buddha and carried only by the non-Brahmin lower caste – “Lenka”) and Coition (the Jagannatha system as a system originally of Bauddha Tantra or cult of coition). Pattanayak writes, “This ‘Cult of Coition’ conceived and espoused by Sahajayan – the refined philosophic metamorphosis of Vajrayan – is the basis on which the concept of Nabakalebar stands. As the time of Nabakalebar arrives, this Vajrakila in form of Sudarsana proceeds in search of the wood and preparation for the new image of SriJagannatha starts with the approval of Mangalaa of Kakatapur.”

Why Kakatpur, why Deuli, who is the “Prakruti”, why a wooden log to create the eternal torso – which the author argues depicts a female, are among many questions the scholar probes into. “The eyes of SriJagannatha and the breasts of the woman are strikingly similar. In the torso, the breasts are prominent, in the SriJagannatha, the round eyes.” Only in Jagannatha are the eyes (in mainstream interpretations, “Chaka Aakhi”) placed in human chest – only because they are indeed the breasts, per the author.

He further writes, “Jagantaa-Tha of Orissan Tribes to whom Buddha was their benevolent Lord – full of motherly mercy, responsibility and compassion – metamorphosed into SriJagannatha in the new direction, which Siddha Indrabhuti gave to Buddhism through Vajrayan and its scripture ‘Jnanasiddhi’.”

Why Buddha is god of agro-magic, why Jagannatha is female and why for the Sabara tribe, Raja festival (which is exclusive to Orissa) was a commemoration of earth’s intercourse with the clouds leading to germination of seeds – is another set of questions investigated by this work.

Among literally countless new revelations, the book proves that contrary to Hindu Brahminical scriptures, Jagannatha is no Bishnu, and the “so-called Brahma which is being put into new images of SriJagannatha on the occasion of Nabakalebara is nothing but misnomer.

How did Vedic Hinduism enter Orissa? The author writes, “Condemning matriarch tribes as ‘Mudhamati’ (stupids), Shankara had insisted upon worshiping Govinda, (Bhaja Govindam, Smara Govindam, Gobindam Bhaja, Mudhamate), as the economy of Aryas was fully dependent on cow. King patrons of Brahminism were supporting Sankara and because of that, Vedic Sanatan Dharma had engulfed Orissa. Caste-supremacists were running reign of terror and churning out concocted legends to transform SriJagannatha from Buddha to Vishnu. In this process, Indrabhuti was changed to Indradyumna and lies were created to add strength to this mischief.”

The ruling class was orchestrator of this mischief. “Hindu King Purusottama Dev was a rabid hater of Buddhism and was a great patron of Brahminism. In fact, Brahmins had made him their weapon against real cult of SriJagannatha…. On occupying the throne, Purusottama Dev not only fortified Brahminism with sixteen citadels of power in the Buddhists dominated areas, but also tried to extinguish Buddhist identity of SriJagannatha by transforming the deity of SriMandira to Govinda Krushna.”

Sankaracharya (Adi Sankara and his chela Sankaras called Sankaracharya of Gobarddhan Math of Puri) needed to change Jagannatha from Buddha to Vishnu to revive Sanatan Dharma, says Pattanayak. But this was vehemently opposed by the Oriyas. This book details the series of attempts by the royal class and the confrontations by the masses, almost always through progressive literature.

This book also exposes the vile misogyny that is canonized in Brahminism. Extensively citing scriptures throughout the book, the author rips apart the sacrosanct. The author writes, “Brahminism had no respect for the human rights of women. Rather, it had contrived ways to torture them, so that, they shall permanently stay in a condition of pusillanimity to bear children for them as and when they so desire. In Brhadaranyak Upanisad, under the fourth Brahmana of the sixth chapter, it has called upon to use brutal force on any woman of choice to create panic in her, so that she shall be willing to be raped, because the Arya male has to beget sons through any woman he likes.” As opposed to that, the progressive history is invoked by the author with his authoritative translations of works by the great Sahajia Jaya Deva – born in Orissa – who depicts the woman as the protagonist in lovemaking.

Writing about political economy of male chauvinism in cow-based Vedic society, Pattanayak says, “Vedic male-superiority over women had a hidden evil design. Unless women were suppressed, the Aryan method of caste exploitation that was giving the Brahmins and their allies – the Kshatriyas – the right to luxurious life without any physical labor, had to collapse. Women being the inventors of agriculture and being the paragons of equality at least amongst their respective children, had given birth to tribal democracies based on economy of equality. This is why, the Vedic chauvinists, i.e. the Brahmins were eager to keep the women as inferior beings. They were just tools to beget sons and were domestic helps to work for their husbands and nothing else. Sons were essential for the males in Vedic society to help them acquire property and expand their cattle flocks.”

Far from getting submerged in history alone, the book locates the present administration in Orissa and its role in perpetuating the legends to suit the ruling elites. The recent controversy over the passage of auspicious time for Nabakalebara is needless, according to Pattanayak. That is because, “No Hindu canon applies to SriJagannatha as He is not a Hindu God and the Sabara tribe, whose God is SriJagannatha, has no canon of its own that stipulates a time in the night for the transfer of the secret material by them from the old to the new body.” He reiterates that instead of waiting for the brahmin mafias to determine the scope of damages caused by such negligence, people of Orissa, amply equipped with progressive historiography on Jagannatha should remember, that in anything Buddhist, there is no authority granted to Brahmins, and historically Brahmins are not even supposed to enter the area of Buddhist functions anywhere in the State.

Sam Pitroda’s new Avatar generates questions which the Chief Minister should Answer

Subhas Chandra Pattanayak

If BJD members are just not slaves, they must oppose Sam Pitroda’s entry into Orissa administration in the rank of a cabinet minister.

Slaves do not bother about constitution of their land. To them the paramount power that they are to obey belongs only to their owner, none or nothing else. Without any question they obey him and without any hesitation they carry out his orders, even if that goes against the constitution of the country.

This syndrome is discernible in appointment of Sam Pitroda as Orissa’s IT adviser whose “vision” shall control the State’s fate till 2036 and beyond.

Sam Pitroda is a famous person on whom Oriyas pride because of his birth link with Orissa. But his appointment as IT adviser in rank of a cabinet minister without any salary, with power to interpret and intervene in administration to prepare Orissa’s vision – 2036 is the last thing we can approve.

Pitroda’s new Avatar is generating certain questions that need to be answered by the chief minister in public interest.

The first question is: Why Pitroda is willing to work without any salary? Salary is a compensation for service legally rendered.

Nobody can be required or permitted to work without any compensation which must be no less than the minimum amount prescribed for the job.

How does Pitroda agree to work without a salary? Why does the State require his free service?

If a lawyer says, he can work without a salary if appointed as a judge, can we allow? No.

Everybody who works for the State must claim and be paid with salary. If someone volunteers not to receive salary from the State, then, there must be a shadow payer. That is dangerous. People have a right to know who pays for a work done officially.

Citation of patriotism as reason of voluntary service would never be tenable.

As noted above, judges are also not deficient in patriotism; they get paid.

Ministers are paid; MLAs are paid; MPs are paid; even though they are elected persons who profess to serve selflessly.

So, why Sam Pitroda shall serve without salary? Who shall compensate him and why, behind back of the people? This question is specifically pertinent when spectrum scam has kept the entire country engaged and IT sector is a battle zone of lobbyists; be it for public land, be it for official projects.

The second question is: Was Sam Pitroda the adviser to Karnataka where its software exports in 2014-15 crossed the worth of Rs.2,00,000/- crore as against Orissa’s mere Rs.2,564/- crore?No, he was not the adviser there.

Why then Orissa failed despite having started the IT export as far back as in 1995?

When the government has no answer to this, how and why they decided that with Pitroda as adviser, Orissa IT export shall reach the Karnataka level?

Do they count lobby value? If yes, unfortunate. If no, then the government must make people know in details as to why Orissa is lagging behind so miserably.

Sam Pitroda should not be used to cover up the unproductive anarchy that has engulf Orissa in this entire period.

The third question is: If Sam Pitroda is to work without any salary from the State, will he be answerable to the people?

No , he cannot be.

Answerability of any official functionary is linked only to the payment he receives from the people. If there is no payment, there is no answerability.

If such a man, who is not answerable to the people, is to draw Vision-2036, what for there is the chief secretary of the State and his pack of secretaries that are drawing highest amounts of salary from the State exchequer and are bound to be answerable?

The fourth question is: Do the chief minister or his stooges in the cabinet have the power to appoint anybody in the rank of a cabinet minister, with all privileges a cabinet minister enjoys?

In other words, has the chief minister of Orissa or his cabinet the power to make extra-constitutional appointments in the rank of a cabinet minister?

Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik should come forward with answers to these question, because Orissa is not his fee simple.

Under guise of preparation of Vision 2036, Pitroda shall command the chief secretary and all other departmental secretaries to place before him the details of their activities and plans and programs. The legitimate functionaries of the State shall be forced to submit to extra-constitutional authority of Pitroda.

The people of Orissa have the right to know whether or not this shall demoralize the executive and what exactly is the brief on which he is to work and whether or not he shall be answerable to the people of Orissa.

The combine of political slaves that constitute Orissa’s council of ministers shall have to act under commands of Pitroda, as he is to author the vision 2036. They are bound to apprise him of their ideas and activities of their respective department.

The chief minister must tell the people if he has made any advance study of its impact on the ministers.

Indian Parliament showed no concern for the soul of India; President should refuse assent to the Juvenile Justice Bill 2015

Subhas Chandra Pattanayak

Majority of the members of Indian Parliament have shown no concern for the soul of India, as has been established by passing of the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Bill, 2015 on 22nd December in the Rajya Sabha completing its parliamentary course that had got the stamp of adoption in the Lok Sabha on 7th May. It is such a mockery of legislation, having not paid any heed to cries of India for justice to its soul – Nirbhaya, that, the President should do good by refusing the Bill his assent.

Had Jyoti Singh of New Delhi not been brutalized by a gang of satyrs in December 2012, too savage and severe for medical science to save her life, this Bill would not have been generated at all. Her indomitable will to live to see the bruits punished by her motherland had kept her alive till in utter despair she allowed her breathe to pass away. Her desire to see the criminals punished did not die with her death. We the People of India took her to be the symbol of our tortured yet courageous entity by calling her Nirbhaya, the soul of India.

It was soon found that the youngest of the criminals that brutalized Nirbhaya was juvenile, four months to cross the age of 18 years.

The Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection) Act, 2000 (as amended in 2006) was protecting him from punishment applicable to adult criminals. Hence, as demanded by whole of India, the Bill in question was conceived to reduce this age limit to 16 from 18 to give justice to Nirbhaya by punishing the youngest and yet the severest savage.

When the Bill was drafted it was inherently defective meant as if to ensure escapement to this young bruit. It was a haphazard draft very much in need of vetting in a Parliamentary Select Committee. The age factor was creating confusion. The approach was not based on criminology of rape. Before leaving the House in protest, Sitaram Yechury, leader of CPI (M), had rightly asked, “Today you are demanding the juvenile age to be reduced from 18 to 16 ; what if tomorrow a 15-year old commits a horrendous crime?” Members, who passed the Bill, did not bother about the question. Had the Bill been sent to Select Committee, members thereof might have stumbled upon the angle I am pointing to. But that did not happen.

The members did not bother to make the new law applicable to the juvenile criminal because of whose savagery Nirbhaya had lost her life. Minister-in-charge Maneka Gandhi had made it clear in the House that the Bill won’t be retrospective. Sad, the members could not catch even then that the main purpose of going for the new law was going to be defeated. They did not bother about this mischief.

The Supreme Court refused to intervene, because, by applying the old law of 2000 to set free the criminal in absence of any law to keep him under the Court’s clutch any further, the High Court had committed no illegality.

Before passing the Bill, the Rajya Sabha was aware of this. It was aware of the fact that unless given retrospective effect, the core purpose of engagement with the Bill before it was to be lost. It should have woken to the occasion and made the Bill retrospective. Had it acted diligently and passed the Bill in time with retrospective effect, at least from December 16, 2012 the day on which the horrendous crime having shocked the country had necessitated this new Law, the bruit that according to government has not reformed, could not have been put back in the society, to the panic of the society, as has been done.

It is better for the President, in the circumstances, to refuse his assent to this Bill, so that legislative wisdom may get a new chance to do away with the wrong the lawmakers have committed in this case in the aspect as discussed above.

Oriya Language created Orissa and therefore Orissa must be ruled by Oriya Language

Subhas Chandra Pattanayak

Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik seems to have developed a wrong notion that governance of Orissa in Oriya depends upon his mercy. His press-note of December 17 and full page display advertisement in major broadsheets of today force us to arrive at this apprehension.

In his December 17 press note it was declared that he had held a meeting with the five members of the ministerial committee on that day for the purpose of “strictly implementing the Orissa Official Language Act, 1954 in official and non-official level” to facilitate which a website has been floated by the government. In the full page multi-color advertisement in broadsheet dailies today, this is intriguingly missing.

The advertisement is designed to tell the people that Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik has taken historical steps to save and develop Oriya language, and has enumerated the steps he has taken. This is blatant lie. Neither he nor his government has executed any single item claimed to be “historical” in the official advertisement. The entire advertisement is nothing but false propaganda. What a shame it is, that, the people of Orissa are taken for granted by their Chief Minister! Read more →

Navakalevara: Legends and reality

Subhas Chandra Pattanayak

Legends are the most misguiding mischief aimed at superimposing lies on reality so that indigenous people of an occupied land are kept too dazzled to see the dark face of the rulers and the class of exploiters can keep its victims subjugated to its authority, while forcing them to forget the heroic history of evolution of their own philosophy of life, their own splendid spiritual realizations, their own socio-economic uniqueness, their own ancient culture, their own valorous past, their own way of social integration and their own civilization.

We see this mischief galore in the context of Navakalevara of SriJagannatha.

So, here, we are to rip apart the legends and bring the reality of the Navakalevara to light, as thereby alone we can reach the lost uniqueness of the people of Orissa.

We will use Puri Sankaracharya’s self-proclaimed authority over Navakalevara to proceed with our purpose.

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Samaja in Maze of Forgery: Two former Ministers of Orissa – Lingaraj Mishra & Radhanath Rath forged the WILL of Gopabandhu; Both benefitted till their death; SoPS continues to Loot

Subhas Chandra Pattanayak

The Oriya daily SAMAJA founded by late Utkalmani Pandit Gopabandhu Das, to which, out of their love and reverence for the great humanitarian leader, the people of Orissa had and have been giving their financial and moral support, is in a menacing maze of forgery and loot.

Sadly, two of Gopabandhu’s trusted men – Lingaraj Mishra and Radhanath Rath – who, because of being known so, had the opportunity of becoming cabinet ministers in Orissa, were the masterminds and/or makers of the forgery from which the paper is yet to be salvaged.

Both of them – Lingaraj and Radhanath – had partnered with each other in forging the last WILL of Gopabandhu to grab the Samaja, which being Gopabandhu’s paper was of superb credibility and the greatest political instrument of the day. They had performed this crime behind the screen of and in nexus with Servants of the People Society (SoPS), of which, while breathing his last, Gopabandhu was the Vice-President. Read more →